Photo caption: Late MKO Abiola
In this report, WALE AKINSELURE takes a retrospective look at how Nigeria’s democracy has evolved after the June 12, 1993 saga amid current political realities.
Today marks 32 years after the June 12, 1993, presidential election, widely regarded as the freest and fairest election in the annals of the nation’s history was annulled by military president Ibrahim Babangida. The ghost of the June 12 saga still haunts the nation as General Ibrahim Babangida, in February this year, launched a book titled, “A Journey in Service,” ostensible to reverse the chain of events dating back to 32 years. Babangida, speaking at the book launch in Abuja described the annulment of the election as most regrettable. “The nation is entitled to expect my impression of regret. “As the leader of the military administration, I accept full responsibility for all decisions taken under my watch, and June 12 happened under my watch. Mistakes, oversight and missteps happened in quick succession, but as I state in my book, in all matters, we acted in the supreme national interest so that Nigeria could survive,” Babangida said. He acknowledged that his administration’s actions disrupted the nation’s transition to civilian rule but claimed that the country overcame the setback.
Babangida’s infamous announcement in 1993 stung many Nigerians with democracy activists insisting that Chief MKO Abiola won the election with a 58 per cent majority. Before Babangida’s announcement, Abiola of the Social Democratic Party had out of the 6.6million votes announced by the Prof Humphrey Nwosu-led National Electoral Commission, polled 4.3million votes. His opponent, Bashir Tofa of the National Republic Conventions had received 2.3million votes.
NEC had begun announcing results on June 14, 1993, with Abiola winning 19 out of 30 states and the Federal Capital Territory. He swept all South-West states; three of seven South-East states; five of nine Northern states—including Tofa’s Kano—and four of seven in the Middle Belt. However, on June 15, NEC abruptly stopped the collation, citing a court injunction obtained by the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), led by Chief Arthur Nzeribe.
On June 16, NEC announced via Radio Nigeria that it was suspending further announcements. Babangida seized on the moment and, on June 24, formally annulled the election.
The annulment sparked nationwide protests, especially in the southwest, leading to deaths and civil unrest. The United States, United Kingdom, and European Union suspended aid to Nigeria, while the Commonwealth condemned the act. The military junta responded with a crackdown — shutting down media houses, arresting journalists, promulgating decrees barring legal challenges, and disbanding NEC.
Chief MKO Abiola flew abroad seeking international support and his return triggered another wave of civil unrest by Nigerians with businesses shutting down. The unease pressured General Babangida to step aside on August 26.
There then emerged an Interim National Government headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan with General Sani Abacha, a confidant of Babangida, serving as Defence Minister. The Shonekan ING, especially, failed to efficiently manage the economy, leading to a strike by the Nigerian Labour Congress over the failing economy. On November 17, 1993, Abacha toppled the interim government in a palace coup. Upon assuming office, Abacha dissolved the legislature, and state and local governments; replaced elected governors with military and police officers; banned all political activities and established two governing institutions: the Provincial Ruling Council and Federal Executive Council.
Abiola fled abroad to seek international support. Upon his return, he issued the famous Epetedo Declaration and was arrested in June 1994 for declaring himself president. His detention triggered fresh unrest and strikes across petroleum, banking and academic sectors.
The June 12 crisis birthed the National Democratic Coalition, a broad alliance of pro-democracy forces agitating for the restoration of Abiola’s mandate. Prominent figures in the movement included Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu, Sam Mbakwe, Anthony Enahoro, Bola Ige, Alfred Rewane, Beko Ransome-Kuti, Ayo Opadokun, Bola Tinubu, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Wahab Dosumu, Generals Theophilus Danjuma, Ebitu Ukiwe and Adeyinka Adebayo, Adekunle Ajasin, Olu Falae, Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi, Rev. Fr. Moses Adasu and John Odigie-Oyegun.
Several NADECO leaders, including Ayo Opadokun, Wale Oshun and Cornelius Adebayo, were arrested. Kudirat Abiola was assassinated in what many regard as martyrdom for democracy.
Despite widespread criticism and pressure from several quarters, Abacha refused to release Abiola for four years, until the military ruler died on June 8, 1998. With Abacha dead, Nigerians were looking forward to Abiola’s release, but he also died under mysterious circumstances.
In 2018, former President Muhammadu Buhari formally declared June 12 as Democracy Day—replacing the symbolic but hollow May 29. Back in 1993, the military president, Ibrahim Babangida cited vote buying and the need to protect the country’s judiciary as the main reasons for the annulment of the election. Whether Babangida’s reasons for his actions were concocted or not, the issues of vote buying, federal giving way for a unitary system of government, and suppression of the popular will of the people remain under public scrutiny.
Every election since 1993 has been characterised by reports of vote buying, manipulations, various forms of voter inducement, and victimisation of opposition. Local and international observers after the 2007 election declared the poll as the worst election in the nation’s history. In the last Ondo governorship election, the Peoples Democratic Party continuously stated that votes were like commodities in an open market trading for between N5,000 and N20,000 with the highest bidder having its way. For every electoral cycle, the electoral body has continued to advance technology to give elections in the country some credibility. The last introductions were the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and the INEC Result Viewing Portal. Those have also been ridden with technical hitches which cast doubts over the credibility of election results. There was the Electoral Act 2022, before the last general election, which observers note, is not being implemented to the letter, giving political parties, and politicians the leeway to act otherwise. Ahead of the 2027 elections, Nigerians can only hope for some improvements that would guarantee transparency in the conduct of the election and collation of election results.
In searching for a workable and functional democratic system, there have been consistent calls for restructuring, federalism, return to the 1963 Constitution. More recent is the call for the 1999 Constitution to be discarded for the emergence of a new, people-driven, autochthonous Constitution. Several analysts describe the proclamation that Nigeria is running a federal system as deceitful. Legal luminary, Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN) argues that the nation is moving towards a unitary system. He identifies the Constitution as the bane of the nation’s problem. Olanipekun notes that the country is unitary in aspects of security, education, trade, and judiciary, describing Nigeria’s federalism as anti-clockwise. All eyes, Olanipekun says, are on the centre as he wondered how Nigeria, with its huge population, has a sole police population. The Senior Advocate of Nigeria adds that the State High Courts have been emasculated by the Federal High Court such that State High Courts do not adjudicate over mostly “Agrarian matters.” Olanipekun said, “State High Courts virtually have nothing to do as Federal High Courts have overarching, overbearing, overreaching jurisdictional coverage. States cannot even determine how to treat, how much to pay or how to resolve disputes with their employees.”
NADECO Secretary-General, Ayo Opadokun, insists that Nigeria’s stagnation began with the military’s incursion into politics. “On January 15, 1966, the military eliminated our elected leaders and replaced our federal structure with decrees that unitarised governance,” he said.
Opadokun pointed to the APC’s El-Rufai committee, which recommended a return to federal constitutional governance in line with the party’s 2015 campaign promises. “Any socioeconomic policy without political restructuring is unsustainable. Justice, equity, and the rule of law must be foundational,” he said.
Several civil society voices argue that the promise of June 12 remains unfulfilled. While government events commemorate the day, activists demand deeper reforms and national healing.
Human rights activist and President of Women Arise, Dr. Joe Okei-Odumakin declared that democracy in the country remains troubled and unfulfilled. While noting that Nigeria has recorded some institutional progress since the return to civil rule in 1999, she noted that the core tenets of democracy – participation, accountability, justice, and protection of rights -remain elusive.
“Democracy is not just about holding elections every four years. It is about participation, accountability, justice, and the protection of rights. On these fronts, Nigeria continues to fall short of the ideals we fought for.”
Reflecting on the significance of the June 12, 1993, presidential election—widely regarded as the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history—she said the spirit of that day had yet to be translated into meaningful governance for the people. “Our political realities show a fragile democracy. Power is still heavily personalised and disconnected from the will of the people. Political parties have become vehicles for personal ambition rather than platforms for national development.”
She added that despite reforms in the electoral process, the country continues to grapple with irregularities, voter suppression, vote-buying, and violence during elections.
An activist and author, Dr Layi Adeniyi, described the June 12 election as “a watershed moment” that proved Nigerians can rise above ethnicity and religion when presented with credible leadership. He lamented, however, that subsequent political developments have undone much of that promise. Adeniyi said, “The June 12 election showed clearly that Nigerians are willing to be one people under a leadership that prioritises their wellbeing, Unfortunately, some political actors still treat Nigeria as a territory to be conquered—a prize to be shared, not a nation to be built.” Adeniyi decried what he called the enduring influence of “political hegemonic lords” who fan the flames of division. “They constantly remind Nigerians that we are not one people, evoking outdated sentiments like Sir Ahmadu Bello’s claim that the 1914 amalgamation was a mistake.”
On the current state of governance, Adeniyi did not mince words. “What we practice is not democracy—it is militocracy. Nigerians go to the polls to elect people who have no conscience. Those in power collect millions every month, while the people return to hunger, surviving on Derica cups of rice and five thousand naira come election time.”
He called for stronger democratic institutions, deeper electoral reforms, and a merit-based political culture. “In the First and Second Republics, leaders were educated and principled. Today, moneybags have replaced merit, and Nigerians are worse off for it.”
Adeniyi also made a cultural appeal to the Lagos State Government, urging it to develop Epetedo, the site of Abiola’s historic self-declaration, into a national heritage site. “The statue of Abiola at Epetedo should be upgraded to a dignified life-size monument to properly honour his sacrifice,” he said.
Meanwhile, another activist in the June 12, 1993 struggle, Moshood Erubami, asked that Chief MKO Abiola be officially declared the winner of the 1993 election, and his portrait placed alongside past presidents in public offices.
“The day should not just be a public holiday, but a reminder of the sacrifices made for true democracy.”
A veteran labour and human rights advocate, Femi Aborishade, called Nigeria’s current political reality a “dictatorship in civilian garb.”
He added, “The masses are in chains—chained by economic misery and political subjugation, all branded as the Renewed Hope Agenda.” Drawing parallels with the 1993 annulment, he warned that the suspension of democratic institutions, such as in Rivers State, signals that “nothing has fundamentally changed.”
Another prominent activist, Gbenga Awosode, went further calling post-1999 leadership a “neoliberal conspiracy” that deepened inequality and weakened the state. “The state now protects corruption instead of fighting it. The country is disintegrating while the ruling elite—regardless of party—have no ideology beyond plunder. Only a radical break, a revolution, can reset this failed order,” Awosode said.
Convener of the June 12 Pro-Democracy Movement and Secretary General of The Patriots, Wale Okunniyi, said the current democratic experiment has resulted in more insecurity and hunger than the military era. “Nigeria’s democracy has failed to deliver. Some elder statesmen are now openly questioning whether it is worth continuing in this form,” Okunniyi said.
He argued that no real progress can happen without addressing the faulty foundation of the 1999 Constitution.
“Military Decree 24 imposed a constitution on us. We cannot build genuine democracy on that,” he said.
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